The Buffalo Jump
In money laundering, the origin is concealed because it is dirty. Here the origin is the honest version. A 1985 Cabinet submission — leaked, and nicknamed the “Buffalo Jump of the 1980’s” — said the quiet part in internal language: its recommendations, if adopted, would drive Status Indians to “cultural death.” Russell Diabo’s First Nations Strategic Bulletin traces what happened next: every downstream policy sanitized the language while keeping the mechanism intact. The rhetoric ascends toward reconciliation; the mechanism does not move. The sanitizing runs opposite to the rhetoric. That sentence is the case.
§01 — The leak
In 1985 a Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development employee leaked a secret Cabinet submission to the media. As the Bulletin recounts it, the document set out a plan to limit and ultimately end the federal government’s obligations to Status Indians; observers nicknamed it the “Buffalo Jump of the 1980’s.” The metaphor is the whole point. A buffalo jump is a cliff a herd is stampeded over; the name, as the Bulletin frames it, was an internal admission that the recommendations pointed toward what the document’s own readers called “cultural death.” The origin names termination as termination.
§02 — The five mechanisms
Before the public labels, the plain intent. As the Bulletin documents the report’s recommendations, five mechanisms form the through-line — the load-bearing parts that, on Diabo’s account, never change no matter what they are later called:
| # | The mechanism, as stated internally |
|---|---|
| 1 | Limit and eventually terminate the federal trust obligation |
| 2 | Reduce federal expenditure; download responsibility and cost to the provinces |
| 3 | Municipalize bands — surrender constitutional status, become subject to provincial law |
| 4 | Devolve and downsize the Department of Indian Affairs |
| 5 | Extinguish title via conversion to fee-simple land |
Hold these five in view. The ledger that follows argues that every public label of the next two decades is one or more of them, wearing better words.
§03 — The template: Sechelt, 1986
The first public vehicle, on the Bulletin’s reading, was the Sechelt self-government legislation of 1986. The brand was “self-government.” The mechanism, as Diabo traces it, was municipal status under provincial law — band governance reframed as a local-government delegation rather than a recognition of inherent authority. The Bulletin describes the Sechelt model as one then “peddled at negotiation tables across the country”: a template for converting the constitutional question into an administrative one. The word ascended; the mechanism — items 1, 2 and 3 of the ledger — stayed in place.
Counter: read the delegation, not the headline. “Self-government” that derives its authority from a province is municipalization with a better name. Ask where the authority comes from.
§04 — The sanitizing ledger
This is the core device. Read the right column top to bottom and the words grow steadily more benevolent — self-government, inherent right, reconciliation, renewal. Read the left column and the same five mechanisms sit unchanged beneath each one. On Diabo’s account, the labels are the wash; the mechanism is the constant.
| Mechanism (as stated, secret doc) | Year | Sanitized public label |
|---|---|---|
| Limit & eventually terminate federal trust obligations | 1986 | Sechelt Act — “self-government” (municipal status under provincial law) |
| Shift responsibility & cost to the provinces | 1985 | “Community-Based Self-Government” policy |
| Recognize the right in the abstract, refuse it in the particular | 1995 | “Inherent Right” / Aboriginal Self-Government policy |
| Reframe continuity as reconciliation | 1998 | “Gathering Strength” + “Statement of Reconciliation” |
| Package termination as governance reform | 2003 | The Suite — Bills C-6 / C-7 (FNGA) / C-19 |
| Re-brand the whole apparatus as renewal | 2004 | Martin’s “new relationship” / Canada–Aboriginal Roundtable |
Counter: the ledger only works if the left column is fixed. Test it — for any label on the right, name which of the five mechanisms it carries. The Bulletin’s claim is that the column never comes up empty.
§05 — The abstract right, 1995
The 1995 Inherent Right policy is, on Diabo’s reading, the cleanest single instance of mechanism without the word. The federal government recognized an inherent right of self-government in principle — and, the Bulletin argues, declined it in the particular, by routing its exercise through negotiated agreements on terms the Crown set. The recognition is real as rhetoric and constrained as practice: the right is granted in the abstract and refused at the point where it would bind. This is the direct historical bridge to Case 03 · The Qualified Donee, where the same abstract-versus-particular gap recurs as a category boundary under tax law.
Counter: a right recognized in principle and withheld in practice is a press release, not a right. Ask what changes the day after it is announced.
§06 — The reconciliation turn, 1998
1998 is the point at which, on the Bulletin’s account, the language fully detaches from the mechanism. Gathering Strength and the Statement of Reconciliation reframed the continuity of federal policy as a story of healing and renewed relationship. The vocabulary of reconciliation is, in the series’ terms, the integration stamp at the level of a national narrative: the running of a process — apology, framework, renewed commitment — offered as the verdict on the policy it describes. Diabo’s reading is that the objectives traced from 1985 did not change; the frame around them did.
Counter: reconciliation is a measurable claim, not a mood. Ask which of the five mechanisms it reversed — and on what date.
§07 — The suite, 2003
In 2003 the mechanism surfaced as legislation: the “suite” of bills — C-6, C-7 (the First Nations Governance Act) and C-19. The Bulletin documents that the suite was rejected by a majority of First Nations and characterizes it as termination packaged as governance reform: accountability, administration, and capacity language wrapped around items the ledger had been tracking since 1985. As the Bulletin reports it, named figures including David Nahwegahbow and Roberta Jamieson are among those who pressed the objection. The bills are the moment the sanitized label and the internal mechanism are visible in the same frame.
Counter: “governance reform” names a remedy. Ask whose problem it solves — and whether the people governed asked for it.
§08 — The new relationship, and what the document names
In 2004 the apparatus was re-branded again — Paul Martin’s “new relationship,” the Canada–Aboriginal Peoples Roundtable. Diabo’s reading is that the relationship was symbolic rather than substantive: the objectives traced from the 1985 submission were unchanged; the renewal was the frame. That is the last entry on the ledger and the integration stamp in its national form — renewal offered as the verdict on continuity.
Set the whole sequence beside the origin and the case resolves to a single line. The 1985 document named termination as termination; everything after it kept the mechanism and improved the words. Vol. I · Case 13 called the underlying pattern “class war by other means”; this case is its historical spine. And it is the precedent chain beneath Case 03 · The Qualified Donee: thirty-five years of the same boundary, re-papered. Read through the sentence-level grammar in The Grammar of the Con.
The rhetoric ascends toward reconciliation. The mechanism does not move.
- primary Russell Diabo, First Nations Strategic Bulletin, Vol. 2 Issue 7, “Jean Chrétien’s Legacy of Betrayal and Deceit: An Overview of Federal Indian Policy 1968–2004,” First Nations Strategic Policy Counsel, 29 Aug 2004 (archived)
- The 1985 Cabinet submission (“Buffalo Jump of the 1980’s”), the five mechanisms, and the policy-continuity reading — as documented and characterized in the Bulletin; the leaked document is not reproduced here
- Named individuals (David Nahwegahbow, Roberta Jamieson) — quoted as they appear in the Bulletin
- attribution Every analytical claim about the report’s intent and the policy continuity is Diabo’s, reported as his — not the platform’s assertion about Indigenous governance